Written by Shardia O’Connor, Cultural Consultant
Shardia O'Connor is a mental well-being advocate and cultural consultant. She is best known for her hosting and writing skills, as well as her sense of "fashion." Shardia is the founder of her online media platform, Shades Of Reality, and the owner of Thawadar Boutique LTD.
Navigating higher education as a working-class student presents unique challenges, shaped by social mobility and cultural capital. Elite institutions often uphold unspoken norms that privilege middle-class backgrounds, leaving many students feeling alienated and pressured to conform. The interplay of class, race, gender, and other identities further complicates the experience, highlighting systemic barriers and the need for intersectional approaches. This article delves into the theories, policies, and lived realities surrounding identity in higher education, urging for comprehensive support systems to address the nuanced inequalities that persist.
Social mobility
According to Attridge (2021), social mobility plays a key role in how working-class students access and navigate Higher Education (HE). Social mobility is defined as the ability to move up in society, and HE is one of the ways individuals can achieve this. For working-class students, however, the path is not always straightforward. They often face challenges, such as being excluded from elite institutions. Success in these environments often requires cultural capital to navigate a world that is unfamiliar to them (Attridge, 2021).
Elite institutions like Oxford and Cambridge often expect students to speak, dress, and engage socially in specific ways. These unspoken rules are second nature to students from more privileged backgrounds but can be entirely new and daunting experiences for those from working-class families. Goffman (1990) describes this phenomenon as the social construction of identity.
In addition, Robinson (2006) argues that there remains a dominant discourse that normalizes the white, middle-class, traditional nuclear family (Robinson, 2006, p. 82, cited in Lees, 2010, p. 146). Students from working-class backgrounds may feel isolated in such social settings, leading them to attempt to fit in to avoid stigmatization. This results in what Goffman (1963) describes as a "spoiled identity." Goffman (1968) further suggests that the experience of stigma is influenced by the visibility of the stigmatized characteristic or how much others are aware of it. He differentiates between individuals who are "discredited," where their stigma is known or noticeable, and those who are "discreditable," where their stigma is not known or visible (Goffman, 1968, cited in Costa et al., 2020).
In her article, Attridge (2021) highlights the lack of research on the experiences of working-class students in HE, noting that more attention is placed on widening participation in HE. Furthermore, she suggests that policies aimed at increasing participation and access to HE fail to address issues of social mobility within HE itself. Upward social mobility, she argues, requires acknowledgment that support beyond admission and throughout a student’s time in HE is essential for those from working-class backgrounds.
When addressing inequality, it is crucial for policymakers to understand the complex challenges faced by working-class students in HE. Intersectionality plays a critical role in uncovering the deep-rooted issues affecting social mobility. Attridge’s (2021) study found that working-class students who attended the University of Oxford still faced challenges that impacted their academic and social experiences. Many reported feeling disconnected from their working-class identity due to stereotypes surrounding the image of an Oxford student.
Foucault (1980) explains how institutions with power, such as universities, influence thought and behavior within society. He defines discourse as a socially constructed set of ideas, beliefs, practices, and attitudes that shape our understanding of reality while reflecting and reinforcing power dynamics. By supporting particular discourses, universities expand their influence and solidify these as "dominant discourses," creating widely accepted truths that marginalize alternative viewpoints. Foucault (1980) refers to these dominant truths as "regimes of truth." He argues that dominant discourses often reflect the views of those in power; in the context of HE, this aligns with middle-class biases perpetuated by policymakers and the influential middle-class presence within universities (Loveday, 2015).
Thompson (2012) suggests that where differences exist within society, there is potential for unfair discrimination. This creates opportunities for groups perceived as different to be treated unjustly. He argues that anti-discriminatory practices must address not only prominent forms of discrimination but also all forms that negatively impact individuals' life chances and experiences. A comprehensive approach is needed rather than a partial one.
According to the Social Mobility Commission (2013–2020), governments have struggled to make sustained progress in implementing policies to improve social mobility. This has been partly due to the lack of dedicated personnel to coordinate actions and solutions to these issues. Regardless of socioeconomic background, the education system is designed to equip individuals with the skills, knowledge, attitudes, and qualifications needed to progress in life. However, education alone cannot resolve the broader issues surrounding social mobility (Social Mobility Commission, 2013–2020).
Theoretical framework: Cultural capital
Attridge (2021) states that cultural and social capital can be just as important as economic capital in shaping and supporting class inequality (Crompton, 1998, p. 22, cited in Attridge, 2021). Cultural capital, as defined by Bourdieu (1983), refers to interests, activities, and knowledge that individuals possess. Furthermore, social capital encompasses the resources derived from being part of a lasting network of connections (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 21, cited in Attridge, 2021). The article suggests that both cultural and social capital are particularly significant in top universities, where admissions processes, teaching, and overall institutional culture determine which types of capital are valued (Loveday, 2015, p. 572, cited in Attridge, 2021).
However, this gap in cultural capital can leave students feeling isolated, misunderstood, and out of place. This can cause them to miss opportunities to develop important skills, such as networking, building meaningful relationships, or connecting with professors and other professionals (Edgerton, 2014). Furthermore, even when these students successfully complete their studies, the lack of social capital can make the experience more exhausting and alienating. These differences often reinforce existing social inequalities, making it more challenging for working-class students to fully benefit from the opportunities provided by elite institutions.
Researchers using the human capital approach focus on how individuals make decisions based on the potential financial benefits of education. They argue that people from various social backgrounds should, in theory, make similar choices about attending university and selecting fields of study, as students with similar abilities are expected to earn comparable amounts after graduating, regardless of their background (Ro, Fernandez, and Alcott, 2021).
On the other hand, researchers using the habitus approach highlight that students’ views on higher education are deeply influenced by their social backgrounds. Decisions about attending university, choosing a school, or selecting a field of study are shaped by the values and expectations of their ecological systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), including the families and communities they come from. According to this perspective, university choices reflect a process of "class-matching," where students' decisions align with the norms of their social environment (Ro, Fernandez, and Alcott, 2021).
In a rapidly changing world, however, how relevant are theories related to social mobility today? The transformation of labor markets and education systems in both developed and emerging countries significantly impacts our understanding of the unequal distribution of resources, which, in turn, affects individuals' life chances (Brown, Reay, and Vincent, 2013). Although the emphasis on cultural and social capital is crucial when discussing the experiences of working-class students in HE, Attridge (2021) does not appear to address the complex and intersecting issues at play adequately.
According to Giddens (1990), research on social inequalities focuses on understanding people's experiences within their specific social contexts. While factors such as class, race, gender, and ethnicity are widely studied, intersectionality examines how these elements interact. Rather than studying "class and race" separately, intersectionality explores the diverse ways in which multiple aspects of identity, such as race, gender, and sexuality, shape people's lives and experiences.
For example, a Black, working-class lesbian woman attending Oxford University may have significantly different experiences compared to a heterosexual, Asian, working-class male student. Intersectional research helps uncover how overlapping identities influence individuals’ lives in varied ways. It avoids oversimplifying social groups and instead delves deeper into the diverse ways power and inequality operate (Giddens and Sutton, 2013).
However, some argue that while social inequalities exist, an individual's background heavily influences how others perceive them. Murray (2005) posits that certain groups in society live in poverty due to behavioral and cultural factors rather than economic or structural issues. He contends that this group lacks motivation and ambition, perpetuating a cycle of poverty through generations. Murray (2015) further links issues such as crime and single-parent households to the so-called "underclass."
Critics, however, argue that the underclass theory unfairly discriminates against individuals living in poverty, blaming their circumstances on personal failings rather than addressing larger systemic issues such as economic inequality, lack of quality education, and inadequate job opportunities (Crompton, 2008).
Conclusion
Teacher professionalism in England has progressed over time, influenced by government policies and the introduction of teacher standards. The current Teachers' Standards focus on classroom practice and maintaining public trust. While these standards emphasise measurable actions, the importance of professional qualities, such as respect, is often overlooked. The development of public trust depends more on teachers demonstrating these qualities in their daily work rather than strictly adhering to externally imposed standards. The shift towards perceptible standards may lead to a "tick-box" approach to professionalism, which risks neglecting the deeper values that underpin trust and effective teaching (Gospel, 2012).
Read more from Shardia O’Connor
Shardia O’Connor, Cultural Consultant
Shardia O'Connor is an expert in her field of mental wellbeing. Her passion for creative expression was influenced by her early childhood. Born and raised in Birmingham, West Midlands, and coming from a disadvantaged background, Shardia's early life experiences built her character by teaching her empathy and compassion, which led her to a career in the social sciences. She is an award-winning columnist and the founder and host of her online media platform, Shades Of Reality. Shardia is on a global mission to empower, encourage, and educate the masses!
